










| name | Durban |
|---|---|
| native name lang | |
| settlement type | City |
| map caption | Map of the eThekwini metropolitan area, showing Durban |
| dot x | |dot_y |
| pushpin map | South Africa |
| pushpin map caption | Location of Durban in South Africa |
| coordinates type | region:ZA_type:city |
| coordinates display | inline,title |
| subdivision type | Country |
| subdivision name | South Africa |
| subdivision type1 | Province |
| subdivision name1 | KwaZulu-Natal |
| subdivision type2 | Metropolitan municipality |
| subdivision name2 | eThekwini |
| established title | Established |
| established date | 1835 |
| area magnitude | 1 E9 |
| area footnotes | |
| population total | 3468086 |
| population as of | 2007 |
| population density km2 | 1513 |
| timezone1 | South Africa Standard Time |
| utc offset1 | +2 |
| postal code type | Postal Code |
| postal code | 4001 |
| area code | 031 |
| website | www.durban.gov.za |
| footnotes | }} |
Little is known of the history of the first residents, as there is no written history of the area until it was sighted by Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama, who sailed parallel to the KwaZulu-Natal coast at Christmastide in 1497 while searching for a route from Europe to India. He named the area "Natal", or Christmas in Portuguese.
During a meeting of 35 European residents in Fynn's territory on 23 June 1835, it was decided to build a capital town and name it "d'Urban" after Sir Benjamin d'Urban, then governor of the Cape Colony.
Reports filtered back to the Cape Colony of mistreatment of the Zulu by the Voortrekkers. The governor of the Cape Colony dispatched a force under Captain Charlton Smith to re-establish British rule in Port Natal. The force arrived on 4 May 1842 and built a fortification that was later to be ''The Old Fort''. On the night of 23/24 May 1842 the British attacked the Voortrekker camp at Congella. The attack failed, and the British had to withdraw to their camp which was put under siege. A local trader Dick King and his servant Ndongeni were able to escape the blockade and rode to Grahamstown, a distance of in fourteen days to raise reinforcements. The reinforcements arrived in Durban 20 days later; the Voortrekkers retreated, and the siege was raised.
Fierce conflict with the Zulu population led to the evacuation of Durban, and eventually the Afrikaners accepted British annexation in 1844 under military pressure.
The blazon of the arms registered by the South African Bureau of Heraldry and granted to Durban on 9 February 1979. The coat of arms fell into disuse with the reorganisation of the South African local government structure in 2000. The seal ceased to be used in 1995.
Since the creation of the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality, Durban has not had a mayor ''per se''. The mayor of eThekwini is elected for a five year term. Since 1996, the mayor has been Obed Mlaba, who was re-elected to his third term in 2006. Following the May 2011 Local Government election James Nxumalo, the former Speaker of the Council, was elected as the new mayor.
The name of the Durban municipal government, prior to the post-apartheid reorganisations of municipalities, was the Durban Corporation or City of Durban.
The Freedom of Expression Institute has reported that there have been problems with the Municipality allowing shack dwellers their legal right to march.
There have been reports of serious corruption by high level city officials.
Durban and its suburbs are hilly, with very few flat areas, except for locations in and around the central business district and the harbour. The western suburbs off Hillcrest and Kloof are significantly higher above sea-level, reaching up to in the community of Botha's Hill. Many gorges and ravines are found within the metropolitan area. There is almost no true coastal plain.
The city’s demographics indicate that 68% of the population are of working age, and 38% of the people in Durban are under the age of 19 years.It has an extremely high rate of HIV/AIDS at 32%.
There has, however, been little growth in the number of jobs provided by DMA's formal sector over the past 20 years. The manufacturing sector, which is second only to government in the number of jobs provided, has been shedding jobs as firms restructure and become more capital intensive. High rates of crime have become a disincentive to growth in tourism and many other sectors. Despite a dynamic and growing small and micro business sector, the DMA has very high rates of unemployment, reaching over 30% in some areas of the city. There are still few economic opportunities in the former township areas. The central business district has experienced an economic decline due to crime and grime. Many corporates have relocated due to rampant decentralisation, especially to the Umhlanga area north of the city. This region has become a new central business district near the Gateway Theatre of Shopping.
Efforts have recently been made to attract business back to the city, with the new Durban Point Waterfront development south-east of downtown sporting uShaka Marine World and many new residential and leisure developments. It is hoped efforts by the city to clean up the business district, new developments in Point and the 2010 FIFA World Cup stadium north of the CBD (Moses Mabidha Stadium) will aid in the economic turnaround.
A variety of free weekly suburban newspapers are published by the Caxton Group and there are numerous "community" newspapers, some of which are short lived and others which have had stable tenure. The Tabloid Newspaper group situated in North Coast Road,Durban has also added to the variety of community newspapers.They have ten newspaper publications, three of them in the isiZulu language. Community newspapers target specific areas or zones rooting out and exposing community issues like a magnifying glass. These papers rely solely on advertising revenue and are delivered to each house hold irrespective of race or wealth. Many journalists gain experience at these papers before moving on to other major national publications.
A major city initiative is the eZasegagasini Metro Gazette (). It is the official newspaper of the eThekwini Municipality, through which ratepayers and residents are kept informed about projects, programmes and activities of the eThekwini Municipality. It is also a forum for readers’ views. Published fortnightly, the newspaper hits the streets on a Friday morning, with 400 000 copies distributed in English and Zulu. The publication is an in-house product of the Municipality’s Communications Department.
A major English language radio station, East Coast Radio (), operates out of Durban and is owned by SA media giant Kagiso Media. The national broadcaster, the SABC, has regional offices in Durban and operates two major stations here, the Zulu language "Ukhozi FM" with a huge national listenership of over 5 million, and Radio Lotus, aimed at "Indian" listeners. The other SABC national stations have smaller regional offices here, as does TV for news links and sports broadcasts. There are a number of smaller stations which are independent, having been granted licences by ICASA, the national agency charged with the issue of broadcast licences.
The City is also home to three clubs in the Premier Soccer League—AmaZulu, Thanda Royal Zulu and the Golden Arrows. AmaZulu play most of their home games in their own Princess Magogo Stadium, but will take especially important fixtures to ABSA Stadium. Similarly, the Golden Arrows have their own stadium, King Zwelithini Stadium in the suburb of Umlazi, but play their most important matches in ABSA Stadium. Durban used to be home to a fourth team, Manning Rangers, who won several honours including the league championship. Durban is also host to the Dolphins, the provincial cricket team. Shaun Pollock, Lance Klusener and Barry Richards all come from the Dolphins (although it was formally called Natal). Cricket in Durban is played at Sahara Stadium Kingsmead.
Durban hosted matches in the 2003 ICC Cricket World Cup. In 2007 the city hosted nine matches, including a semi-final, as part of the inaugural ICC World Twenty20. The 2009 IPL season was played in South Africa, and Durban was selected as a venue. 2010 saw the city host six matches, including a semi-final, in the 2010 Champions League Twenty20.
Durban was one of the host cities of the 2010 FIFA World Cup and is the host of an A1GP motor race, driven on a street track. It is rumoured that Durban will bid for the 2018 Commonwealth Games and the 2020 Summer Olympics. Durban hosted the 123rd IOC Session in July 2011.
The City is home to Greyville Racecourse, a major Thoroughbred horse racing venue which annually hosts a number of prestigious races including the country's premier event, the July Handicap, and the premier staying event in South Africa, the Gold Cup. Another well-equipped Racecourse is located at Clairwood, just south of the city centre and not far from Durban International Airport.
A professional Tennis venue is located at Westridge Park near The Berea, and an Olympic-standard swimming pool is found in the Kings Park Sporting Precinct. In addition to these venues, Durban has facilities for Water Polo, Hockey, and other sports, most notably the outstanding beach front which has played host to numerous water sports events such as the Mr Price Pro (previously known as the Gunston 500) surfing competition and the related Ocean Action festival. Beach volleyball is regularly played on local beaches and Powerboat racing has taken place in the Harbour. Durban and surrounding areas are also well patronised by Professional and Amateur golfers, with the golf course at Durban Country Club near the CBD being particularly well-known.
The Durban International Airport was used by the South African Defence Force during the 2010 FIFA World Cup and as a secondary airport to handle overflow.
The airport serves as a major gateway for travellers to KwaZulu-Natal and the Drakensberg.
The modern Port of Durban grew around trade from Johannesburg, as the industrial and mining capital of South Africa is not located on any navigable body of water. Thus, products being shipped from Johannesburg outside of South Africa have to be loaded onto trucks or railways and transported to Durban. The Port of Maputo was unavailable for use until the early 1990s due to civil war and an embargo against South African products. There is now an intense rivalry between Durban and Maputo for shipping business.
Salisbury Island now joined to the mainland and part of the Port of Durban, was formerly a full naval base until it was downgraded in 2002. It now contains a naval station and other military facilities. The future of the base, however, is uncertain, as there is increasing demand to use Salisbury Island as part of the port facilities.
Durban is well-served by railways due to its role as the largest trans-shipment point for goods from the interior of South Africa. Shosholoza Meyl, the passenger rail service of Spoornet, operates two long-distance passenger rail services from Durban: a daily service to and from Johannesburg via Pietermaritzburg, and a weekly service to and from Cape Town via Kimberley and Bloemfontein. These trains terminate at Durban railway station.
Metrorail operates a commuter rail service in Durban and the surrounding area. The Metrorail network runs from Durban Station outwards as far as Stanger on the north coast, Kelso on the south coast, and Cato Ridge inland.
A high speed rail link has been proposed, between Johannesburg and Durban.
The N3 Western Freeway starts in the central business district and heads west under Tollgate Bridge and through the suburbs of Sherwood and Mayville. The EB Cloete Interchange (which is informally nicknamed the Spaghetti Junction) lies to the east of Westville, allowing for transfer of traffic between the N2 Outer Ring Road and the Western Freeway.
The N2 Outer Ring Road cuts through the city from the north coast to the south coast. It provides a vital link to the Durban International Airport and to the coastal towns (such as Scottburgh and Stanger) that rely on Durban.
Durban also has a system of freeway and dual arterial metropolitan routes, which connect the sprawling suburbs that lie to the north, west and south of the city. The M4 exists in two segments: The northern segment, named the Leo Boyd Highway, starts as an alternative highway at Ballito where it separates from the N2. It passes through the northern suburbs of Umghlanga and La-Lucia where it becomes a dual carriageway and ends at the northern edge of the CBD. The southern segment of the M4, the Albertina Sisulu Highway, starts at the southern edge of the CBD, connecting through to the Durban International Airport, where it once again reconnects with the N2 Outer Ring Road.
The M7 connects the southern industrial basin with the N3 and Pinetown via Queensburgh via the N2. The M19 connects the northern suburbs with Pinetown via Westville.
The M13 is an untolled alternative to the N3 Western Freeway (which is tolled at Mariannhill). It also feeds traffic through Gillitts, Kloof, and Westville. In the Westville area it is called the Jan Smuts Highway, while in the Kloof area it is named the Arthur Hopewell Highway.
A number of streets in Durban were renamed in the late 2000s to the names of figures related to the anti-apartheid struggle, persons related to liberation movements around the world (including Che Guevera, Kenneth Kaunda and SWAPO), and others associated with the governing African National Congress. A few street names were changed in the first round of renaming, followed by a larger second round . The renamings provoked incidents of vandalism , as well as protests from opposition parties and members of the public .
The Durban People Mover is a tourist-oriented bus service which runs every 15 minutes and consists of three routes within the central business district and along the beachfront, connecting various attractions.
Several companies run long-distance bus services from Durban to the other cities in South Africa. Buses have a long history in Durban. Most of them run by Indian owners since the early 1930`s. Privately owned buses who are not subsidised by the government service the communities timeoulsy. Buses operate in all areas of the eThekwini Municipality. Since 2003 buses have been violently taken out of the routes and bus ranks by taxi operators. This has brought bus operations into disarray. Bus owners have bought into taxi operations using their bus permits to make a living.
Mini bus taxis are the standard form of transport for the majority of the population who cannot afford private cars. With the high demand for transport by the working class of South Africa, minibus taxis are often filled over their legal passenger allowance, making for high casualty rates when minibuses are involved in accidents. Minibuses are generally owned and operated in fleets, and inter-operator violence flares up from time to time, especially as turf wars over lucrative taxi routes occur.
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| * Alexandria, Egypt | * Baku, Azerbaijan | * Chicago, Illinois, United States | * Leeds, United Kingdom, | * Rotterdam, Netherlands | Guangzhou, China | * Nantes, France | * Antwerp, Flanders, Belgium | Bremen, Bremen (state)>Bremen, Germany | * Rio de Janeiro, Brazil | * Le Port, Réunion |
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* [[Bulawayo, Zimbabwe | * New Orleans, Louisiana, United States | * Oran, Algeria | Eilat, Israel | * Maracaibo, Venezuela | * Kaohsiung, Taiwan |
Category:Cities in South Africa Category:EThekwini Metropolitan Municipality Category:History of KwaZulu-Natal Category:Indian Ocean Category:Populated places established in 1824 Category:Populated places in KwaZulu-Natal Category:Port cities in South Africa Category:Populated coastal places in South Africa Category:IOC Session Host Cities
af:Durban ar:ديربان be:Горад Дурбан be-x-old:Дурбан bg:Дърбан ca:Durban ceb:Durban cs:Durban cy:Durban da:Durban pdc:Durban de:Durban et:Durban el:Ντέρμπαν es:Durban eo:Durbano eu:Durban fa:دوربان fr:Durban ga:Durban gl:Durban - eThekwini ko:더반 hi:डर्बन hr:Durban id:Durban os:Дурбан zu:ITheku it:Durban he:דרבן (דרום אפריקה) kn:ಡರ್ಬನ್ ka:დურბანი kk:Дурбан sw:Durban la:Durbanum lv:Durbana lb:Durban lt:Durbanas lmo:Durban hu:Durban mk:Дурбан ml:ഡർബൻ mr:डर्बन ms:Durban nl:Durban (Zuid-Afrika) ja:ダーバン no:Durban oc:Durban (Africa) pnb:ڈربن pl:Durban pt:Durban ro:Durban ru:Дурбан sco:Durban simple:Durban sk:Durban sr:Дурбан fi:Durban sv:Durban ta:டர்பன் te:డర్బన్ th:เดอร์บัน tr:Durban uk:Дурбан ur:ڈربن vi:Durban vo:Durban war:Durban yo:Durban zh-yue:爹濱 zh:德班This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
| Name | Barbara Boxer |
|---|---|
| Order | Chairwoman of the Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works |
| Term start | January 4, 2007 |
| Predecessor | James Inhofe |
| Order2 | Chairwoman of the Senate Select Committee on Ethics |
| Term start2 | January 4, 2007 |
| Predecessor2 | George Voinovich |
| Jr/sr3 | Junior Senator |
| State3 | California |
| Alongside3 | Dianne Feinstein |
| Term start3 | January 3, 1993 |
| Preceded3 | Alan Cranston |
| State4 | California |
| District4 | 6th |
| Term start4 | January 3, 1983 |
| Term end4 | January 3, 1993 |
| Preceded4 | Phillip Burton |
| Succeeded4 | Lynn C. Woolsey |
| Birth date | November 11, 1940 |
| Birth place | Brooklyn, New York |
| Occupation | Politician |
| Residence | Rancho Mirage, California |
| Party | Democratic |
| Spouse | Stewart Boxer |
| Children | Douglas BoxerNicole Boxer |
| Alma mater | Brooklyn College |
| Net worth | $1–5.5 million (USD) |
| Religion | Judaism |
| Website | Barbara Boxer: US Senator from California }} |
Barbara Levy Boxer (born November 11, 1940) is the junior United States Senator from California (since 1993). A member of the Democratic Party, she previously served in the U.S. House of Representatives (1983–1993).
Born in Brooklyn, New York, Boxer graduated from Brooklyn College. She worked as a stockbroker for several years before moving to California with her husband. During the 1970s, she worked as a journalist for the ''Pacific Sun'' and as an aide to U.S. Representative John L. Burton. She served on the Marin County Board of Supervisors for six years and become the board's first female president. With the slogan "Barbara Boxer Gives a Damn", she was elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1982, representing California District 6. She sat on the House Armed Services Committee, and was involved in government oversight, passing several procurement reforms.
Boxer won the 1992 election for the U.S. Senate. She holds the record for the most popular votes in any U.S. Senate election in history, having received 6.96 million votes in her 2004 re-election. Boxer is the chair of the Environment and Public Works Committee and the chair of the Select Committee on Ethics, making her the only senator to preside over two committees simultaneously. She is also the Democratic Chief Deputy Whip.
In 1962, she married Stewart Boxer and graduated from Brooklyn College with a bachelor's degree in Economics. While in college she was a member of Delta Phi Epsilon (social) sorority and was a cheerleader for the Brooklyn College basketball team.
Boxer worked as a stockbroker for the next three years, while her husband went to law school. Later, the couple moved to Greenbrae, Marin County, California, and had two children, Doug and Nicole. She first ran for political office in 1972, when she challenged incumbent Peter Arrigoni, a member of the Marin County Board of Supervisors, but lost a close election. Later during the 1970s, Boxer worked as a journalist for the Pacific Sun and as an aide to John Burton, then a member of Congress. In 1976, Boxer was elected to the Marin County Board of Supervisors, serving for six years. She was the Board's first woman president.
In 1994, her daughter Nicole married Tony Rodham, brother of then-First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton, in a ceremony at the White House. The couple had one son, Zachary, and divorced in 2000.
Boxer's husband, Stewart, a prominent attorney in Oakland, represents injured workers in worker's compensation cases, keeping a very low political profile. Many cases are referred to him by labor unions, including the Teamsters. In 2006, the Boxers sold their house in Greenbrae, where they had lived for many years, and moved to Rancho Mirage. Their son, Douglas, a lawyer, practices with Stewart and is a member of the Oakland Planning Commission, having been appointed to that office by then-mayor Jerry Brown.
According to one story, which Boxer has acknowledged, in 1972, Stewart had planned to run for the Marin County Board of Supervisors, but decided the campaign would interfere with his law practice in Oakland, so Barbara ran instead. She was supported in that election by Marin Alternative, a broad-based, liberal political organization which she had helped found a few years before. A very active force in Marin County politics for a while, Marin Alternative dissolved in the late 1970s.
Boxer's first novel, ''A Time to Run'' was published in 2005 by San Francisco-based publishing company Chronicle Books. Her second novel ''Blind Trust'' was released in July 2009 by Chronicle Books.
During this time she focused on human rights, environmental protection, military procurement reform, and abortion issues from a pro-choice stance. She was also involved in seeking protection for whistleblowers in government and pushed for higher budget allocations for health, biomedical research, and education.
As a member of the House Armed Services Committee, with the help of the Project on Military Procurement (now Project On Government Oversight [POGO]), Boxer exposed the "$7,600 Pentagon coffee pot" and successfully passed more than a dozen procurement reforms.
In 1992, Boxer was embarrassed by the House banking scandal, which revealed that more than 450 Congressional Representatives and aides, herself included, wrote overdraft checks covered by overdraft protection by the House Bank. In response, she issued a statement saying "in painful retrospect, I clearly should have paid more attention to my account" and wrote a $15 check to the Deficit Reduction Fund for each of her 87 overdrafts.
In 1991, during the Anita Hill Senate hearings, where Hill accused U.S. Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas of sexual harassment, Boxer led a group of women House members to the Senate Judiciary Committee – demanding that the all-white, all-male Committee of Senators take Hill's charges seriously.
A member of the Senate Democratic Leadership, Boxer serves as the Democratic Chief Deputy Whip, which gives her the job of lining up votes on key legislation. She also serves on the Democratic Policy Committee's Committee on Oversight and Investigations.
In October 2002, Boxer urged the Bush Administration to take specific steps to address the causes of the steep increase in autism cases in California. She wrote Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary Tommy Thompson to establish a common national standard for the diagnosis of autism; instruct the CDC and the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry to convene a task force to review the current literature on autism and conduct its own study if necessary; and direct the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) to work with the states to create a national chronic disease database.
Boxer is an advocate for embryonic stem-cell research, which has the potential to help those with diabetes, Parkinson's disease, Alzheimer's disease, spinal cord injuries, and other diseases.
In March 2010, Boxer voted to support the health care reform agenda of the Obama Administration and Democratic 111th Congress by voting yes on the Health Care Reconciliation Act and the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.
Boxer supported the No Child Left Behind Act. Since its passage in 2001, she claims that the bill has been underfunded by billions of dollars. She vows to work towards a goal that assures it will be fully funded going forward, as originally pledged by former President George W. Bush.
Boxer has voted to increase the maximum award for the Pell Grant program, which provides grants to lower income students for college. In addition, she has supported tax benefits that she claims will help more families pay for higher education.
Boxer has co-introduced legislation that she claims is designed to allow college graduates to refinance their student loans at market rate, in order to ease the financial burden on those starting their careers.
Boxer established the Excellence in Education award to recognize teachers, parents, businesses and organizations that are working to make positive changes in education. Since 1997 Senator Boxer has presented the Excellence in Education Award to 38 recipients.
In March 2004, Boxer offered an amendment to the Federal budget to create a $24 billion jobs reserve fund. The amendment would set aside funds for a variety of investments to improve the economy and create jobs by establishing a manufacturing jobs tax credit for companies that create jobs in the United States, expanding investment in science research and development, providing a tax credit to small businesses to pay for health insurance for their employees, and expanding trade adjustment assistance to help those who lose their jobs because of foreign trade. The Boxer amendment would also end the tax break that companies receive after moving plants overseas.
On October 1, 2008, Boxer voted in favor of the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act.
On May 11, 2010, Boxer voted against the Vitter Amendment to the financial reform bill (no. 3760) originally crafted by Ron Paul, which would have given authorization for a complete audit of the Federal Reserve. Boxer instead voted for a stripped down version of the Amendment offered by Senator Bernard Sanders.
Boxer has introduced the National Oceans Protection Act (NOPA) of 2005. Some of the provisions of this act are: strengthen ocean governance; protect and restore marine wildlife and habitats; address ocean pollution; improve fisheries management. The bill also addresses needs regarding marine science, research and technology, marine mammals, coastal development, and invasive species.
Boxer is an original cosponsor of Senator Jim Jeffords’ (I-VT) Clean Power Act. This legislation would reduce emissions of three pollutants coming from power plants; sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and mercury, and also reduce emissions of carbon dioxide .
As the new head of the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee in January 2007, Boxer wants to reduce energy consumption. She is attempting to curb global warming by leading pilot programs. The few things that she and some of her fellow Senators are doing could cut electricity consumption by as much as 50 percent in their Capitol Hill offices.
Senator Boxer was the Senate sponsor of the Northern California Coastal Wild Heritage Wilderness Act, which was signed in to law by President George W. Bush on October 17, 2006. The bill protected of federal land as wilderness and of stream as a wild and scenic river, including such popular areas as the King Range and Cache Creek. Senator Boxer worked with Senator Dianne Feinstein and Representative Mike Thompson (the bill's House sponsor) in the five-year effort to pass the legislation.
Boxer along with her colleague Dianne Feinstein voted in favor of subsidy payments to conventional commodity farm producers at the cost of subsidies for conservation-oriented farming.
Boxer maintains a strong stance in support of reproductive rights and the "pro-choice" movement. Boxer authored the Freedom of Choice Act of 2004 and participated in the floor fight for passage of the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act.
Boxer is an original cosponsor of the Title X Family Planning Services Act of 2005, S.844, by Senator Hillary Clinton (D-NY). This legislation aims to improve access to women's health care. It authorizes funding for family planning services grants; allows states to provide such services to individuals who may not be eligible for Medicaid; prohibits health insurance providers from excluding contraceptive services, drugs or devices from benefits; establishes a program to disseminate information on emergency contraception; requires hospitals receiving federal funding to offer emergency contraception to victims of sexual assault; provides grants to public and private entities to establish or expand teen pregnancy prevention programs; and requires that federally funded education programs about contraception be medically accurate and include information about health benefits and failure rates.
She was strongly critical of the Stupak-Pitts Amendment, which would prevent taxpayer-funded abortions possibly resulting in women not being able to pay with their own funds for abortion coverage Affordable Health Care for America Act.
Following the Enron scandal, Boxer again worked to ensure that retirement plans are diversified. She also introduced a bill to prohibit accounting firms from auditing and consulting for the same company.
Boxer wrote the High-Tech Port Security Act, and sponsored the Chemical Security Act to address terrorist threats against chemical plants. Senator Boxer also cosponsored comprehensive rail security legislation.
Boxer's petition demanding an exit strategy from Iraq drew 107,218 signatures.
Boxer was sharply critical of General Petraeus testimony regarding the political and military situation in Iraq in 2007, charging him with reporting while wearing 'rosy glasses'.
Boxer voted against John Bolton's nomination for U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and filibustered him on the Senate floor. As a result of the strong Democratic opposition Bolton could not obtain Senate approval. However, President Bush bypassed the Senate by employing the constitutional right of recess appointment, only the second time such an appointment has been used for a United States ambassador to the United Nations since the UN's founding in 1945. Recess appointments themselves have been used numerous times by various presidents.
Boxer voted against the confirmation of Chief Justice of the United States nominee John Roberts, and against the confirmation of Associate Justice nominee Samuel Alito.
In 2002, Senator Boxer voted against the U.S. invasion of Iraq. She has subsequently referred to that vote as the best vote of her career. She also voted against the first Gulf War (Operation Desert Storm) while a member of the House in 1991 and was a very vocal protester against the Vietnam War in the 1970s.
Boxer is a cosponsor of S. 495, or the Darfur Accountability Act of 2005, which would impose sanctions against perpetrators of crimes against humanity in Darfur.
She has also co-sponsored the Matthew Shepard Act, which expanded the federal definition of hate crimes to include crimes based on the victim's sexual orientation and gender identity, as well as the Uniting American Families Act. She opposed Proposition 8, a constitutional amendment that prohibited same-sex marriage in California. Proposition 8 passed with a 52.30% to 47.70% majority, but has since been over turned by a federal court
Project Vote Smart provides the following results from congressional scorecards.
In January 2007, Boxer was in the news for comments she made when responding to Bush's plans to send an additional 20,000 troops to Iraq. "Who pays the price?" Boxer asked Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. "I'm not going to pay a personal price. My kids are too old and my grandchild is too young. You're not going to pay a personal price with an immediate family. So who pays the price? The American military and their families... not me, not you." When Rice interjected, Boxer responded by saying, "Madam Secretary, please. I know you feel terrible about it. That's not the point. I was making the case as to who pays the price for your decisions. And the fact that this administration would move forward with this escalation with no clue as to the further price that we're going to pay militarily... I find really appalling."
''The New York Post'' and White House Press Secretary Tony Snow considered this an attack on Rice's status as a single, childless female and referred to Boxer's comments as "a great leap backward for feminism." Rice later echoed Snow's remarks, saying "I thought it was okay to not have children, and I thought you could still make good decisions on behalf of the country if you were single and didn’t have children." Boxer responded to the controversy by saying "They’re getting this off on a non-existent thing that I didn’t say. I’m saying, she’s like me, we do not have families who are in the military."
Keith Olbermann accused the commentators, particularly Rush Limbaugh, of making Boxer's comments into an issue when the same people were not outraged when "Laura Bush said Secretary Rice would never be elected president because she was not married."
| Public Offices | |||||
| ! Office | ! Branch | ! Location | ! Elected | ! Term began | ! Term ended |
| Legislative | Washington, D.C. | 1982 | January 3, 1983 | January 3, 1985 | |
| Legislative | Washington, D.C. | 1984 | January 3, 1985 | January 3, 1987 | |
| Legislative | Washington, D.C. | 1986 | January 3, 1987 | January 3, 1989 | |
| Legislative | Washington, D.C. | 1988 | January 3, 1989 | January 3, 1991 | |
| Legislative | Washington, D.C. | 1990 | January 3, 1991 | January 3, 1993 | |
| Legislative | Washington, D.C. | 1992 | January 3, 1993 | January 3, 1999 | |
| Legislative | Washington, D.C. | 1998 | January 3, 1999 | January 3, 2005 | |
| Legislative | Washington, D.C. | 2004 | January 3, 2005 | January 3, 2011 | |
| Legislative | Washington, D.C. | 2010 | January 3, 2011 | January 3, 2017 | |
| United States Congressional service | ||||||
| !Dates | !Congress | !Chamber | !Majority | !President | !Committees | !Class/District |
| 1983–1985 | Ronald Reagan | |||||
| 1985–1987 | Ronald Reagan | |||||
| 1987–1989 | Ronald Reagan | |||||
| 1989–1991 | George H. W. Bush | |||||
| 1991–1993 | George H. W. Bush | |||||
| 1993–1995 | Bill Clinton | Commerce, Environment, Foreign Relations | ||||
| 1995–1997 | Bill Clinton | Commerce, Environment, Foreign Relations | ||||
| 1997–1999 | Bill Clinton | Commerce, Environment, Foreign Relations | ||||
| 1999–2001 | Bill Clinton | Commerce, Environment, Foreign Relations | ||||
| 2001–2003 | George W. Bush | Commerce, Environment, Foreign Relations | ||||
| 2003–2005 | George W. Bush | Commerce, Environment, Foreign Relations | ||||
| 2005–2007 | George W. Bush | Commerce, Environment, Foreign Relations | ||||
| 2007–2009 | George W. Bush | Commerce, Environment (chair), Foreign Relations | ||||
| 2009–2011 | Barack Obama | Commerce, Environment (chair), Foreign Relations | ||||
| 2011–Present | Barack Obama | Commerce, Environment (chair), Foreign Relations | ||||
Boxer was first elected to the Senate by a 4.9% margin in 1992. She was reelected in 2010, defeating businesswoman Carly Fiorina.
{{U.S. Senator box |before=Alan Cranston |state=California |class=3 |start=1993 |alongside=Dianne Feinstein}}
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cs:Barbara Boxer cy:Barbara Boxer da:Barbara Boxer de:Barbara Boxer es:Barbara Boxer fr:Barbara Boxer ga:Barbara Boxer it:Barbara Boxer he:ברברה בוקסר nl:Barbara Boxer no:Barbara Boxer pl:Barbara Boxer pt:Barbara Boxer ru:Боксер, Барбара fi:Barbara Boxer sv:Barbara Boxer zh:芭芭拉·柏克瑟This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
| Election name | Iranian presidential election, 2009 |
|---|---|
| Country | Iran |
| Type | presidential |
| Ongoing | no |
| Party colour | no |
| Previous election | Iranian presidential election, 2005 |
| Previous year | 2005 |
| Next election | Iranian presidential election, 2013 |
| Next year | 2013 |
| Election date | 12 June 2009 |
| Image1 | |
| Colour1 | ff7070 |
| Nominee1 | Mahmoud Ahmadinejad |
| Party1 | Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran |
| Popular vote1 | 24,592,793 |
| Percentage1 | 64.22% |
| Image2 | |
| Colour2 | 28c0a6 |
| Nominee2 | Mir-Hossein Mousavi |
| Party2 | Independent Reformist |
| Popular vote2 | 13,338,121 |
| Percentage2 | 33.86% |
| Title | President |
| Map image | 2009 Iranian Votes.png |
| Map size | 200px |
| Map caption | Map showing the votes of Ahmadinejad and Mousavi, '' ''Red is the votes of Ahmadinejad and '' ''Green is the votes of Mousavi. |
| Title | President |
| Before election | Mahmoud Ahmadinejad |
| Before party | Alliance_of_Builders_of_Islamic_Iran |
| After election | Mahmoud Ahmadinejad |
| After party | Alliance_of_Builders_of_Islamic_Iran }} |
Mousavi issued a statement saying, "I'm warning that I won't surrender to this charade," and urged his supporters to fight the decision, without committing acts of violence. Protests, in favour of Mousavi and against the alleged fraud, broke out in Tehran. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei urged the nation to unite behind Ahmadinejad, labeling his victory as a "divine assessment". Mousavi lodged an official appeal against the result to the Guardian Council on 14 June. On 15 June, Khamenei announced there would be an investigation into vote-rigging claims, which would take seven to ten days. On 16 June, the Guardian Council announced it would recount disputed votes. However, Mousavi stated that 14 million unused ballots were missing, giving a chance to manipulate the results. On 29 June, Iran's electoral board completed the partial recount and concluded that Ahmadinejad had won the election; this was protested by opposition parties.
The President of Iran is the highest official elected by direct popular vote, but does not control foreign policy or the armed forces. Candidates are vetted by the Guardian Council, a twelve member body consisting of six clerics (selected by Iran's Supreme Leader) and six lawyers (proposed by the head of Iran's judicial system and elected by Parliament).
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was sworn into his second term in office on 5 August, in an inauguration ceremony that was boycotted by many opposition leaders.
The President is elected by direct vote, however candidates for the presidency must be approved by the 12-member Council of Guardians. Candidates need to win a majority (more than half) to become President. Iran has a two-round system: if none of the candidates wins the majority in the first round, the top two candidates will go to a run-off. The first round was held on 12 June 2009; the run-off would have been held one week later, on 19 June 2009. All Iranian citizens of age 18 and up are eligible to vote. Both the Iranian Center for Statistics and the Iranian Ministry of the Interior have stated that there are around 46.2 million eligible voters.
;Reformists
;Independents Akbar Alami, former Majlis representative from Tabriz Ghasem Sholeh-Saadi, former Majlis representative
;Conservatives Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Mayor of Tehran Gholamali Haddad-Adel, former Speaker of the Majlis Mohammad Jahromi, Iranian Minister of Labor and Social Affairs Ali Larijani, speaker of the Majlis Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri, former Speaker of the Majlis Mostafa Pour Mohammadi, former Minister of the Interior Ali Akbar Velayati, Minister of Foreign Affairs 1981–97
;Reformists
The incumbent was Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The Iranian reform movement attempted to unite behind a single candidate; former President Mohammad Khatami had been the leading opponent to Ahmadinejad in some opinion polls until he withdrew and endorsed former Prime Minister Mir-Hossein Mousavi. Former Speaker of the Majlis Mehdi Karroubi, another Reformist, was also running, as was former Commander of Iranian Revolutionary Guard, Mohsen Rezaee, a Conservative with a reputation of political pragmatism.
''The Telegraph'' has described the campaign as "unusually open by Iranian standards, but also highly acrimonious." It was marked by heated rhetoric between the incumbent and his challengers. Mousavi and two other candidates said Ahmadinejad had lied about the state of the economy, which was suffering from high inflation and a fall in oil revenues from last year's record levels. Ahmadinejad responded by comparing his opponents to Adolf Hitler, adding that they could be jailed for their comments. "No one has the right to insult the president, and they did it. And this is a crime. The person who insulted the president should be punished, and the punishment is jail... Such insults and accusations against the government are a return to Hitler's methods, to repeat lies and accusations... until everyone believes those lies," Ahmadinejad said.
Debates about the economy played the biggest role in the campaign, with the global economic recession looming in people's minds. calling for an end to the regime's 'Vice Police'. He advocated letting private individuals and groups own Iranian media. Both candidates strongly supported further development of the Iranian nuclear program. However, Mousavi advocated a less combative and tense tone with other nations about the program. He also floated the idea of an international consortium overseeing uranium enrichment in Iran. The BBC stated about Mousavi that "[i]n foreign affairs, he seems to be offering little change on major issues". Mousavi adopted the traditional Islamic color, green, as a campaign symbol. Young male supporters wore green ribbons tied around their wrists and young female supporters wore green headscarves. Activists used the term 'Change' as his main slogan, chanting phrases such as "Green change for Iran", "Together for change", and "Vote for change".
Mousavi's and Karroubi's campaign posters in Tehran claimed that a high turnout would reduce Ahmadinejad's chance of winning the election. Karroubi's campaign manager, Gholamhossein Karbaschi, claimed that the chance of Ahmadinejad losing the election would be over 65 percent if over 32 million people voted, but less than 35 percent if less than 27 million people voted.
An independent poll, conducted by Terror Free Tomorrow: The Center for Public Opinion, a nonprofit institute that researches attitudes toward extremism, found that Ahmadinejad was leading by a margin of 2 to 1. 34% said they would vote for Ahmadinejad, 14% favored Mousavi, 2% favored Karroubi, 1% favored Rezaee and 27% were undecided. The poll was taken from 11 May to 20 May. The poll was carried out by a company whose work for ABC News and the BBC in the Middle East has received an Emmy award. Polling itself was funded by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. Writing in the ''Washington Post'', pollsters Ken Ballen and Patrick Doherty have used this to suggest that Ahmadinejad's apparent victory might reflect the will of the Iranian people. The poll was quoted by Reuters, ''Khaleej Times'' and Jim Muir of BBC News. However, the ''Irish Times'', while quoting the poll, also pointed out that it was taken three weeks before the election, and electoral campaigning in Iran is only allowed for a period of 30 days prior to the election date, which means this poll was conducted only one week into the campaigning. Another critic of the poll, Mansoor Moaddel, pointed out that of "1,731 people contacted [by the poll], well over half either refused to participate (42.2%) or did not indicate a preferred candidate (15.6%)." Though it is quite useful to mention here that the average response rate in US for such telephonic surveys doesn't exceed 30%. This is while the minimum response rate for an opinion poll to be considered scientific by many leading academic journals is 50%.,
A post-election national poll was conducted in late August and early September 2009 by the American polling agency, World Public Opinion, which is affiliated to the University of Maryland. Of the initial 46% respondents of the poll, 27% did not state their chosen candidate, 55% said that they had voted for Ahmadinejad. Both Mr Karroubi and Mr Rezai received minimal support. 87% of respondents replied that they had voted compared to 85% according to the official figures, which is within the margin of error provided. Also, the survey found that 62% of Iranians had "strong confidence" in the election result whilst 64% expressed a similar feeling towards the incumbent president. This finding almost exactly matches up with the proportion of the vote that Ahmadinejad received.
| Polling organisation | Date | Poll details | Candidate | |||
| !Mahmoud Ahmadinejad | !Mehdi Karroubi | !Mir-Hossein Mousavi | !Mohsen Rezaee | |||
| Nationwide; 1001 people, error margin +/-3.1% (27% undecided); (59% satisfied, 23% unsatisfied) | 2% | 14% | 1% | |||
| reported by International Peace Institute and Charney Research | 42% | |||||
| reported by International Peace Institute and Charney Research | 37% | |||||
| Post-election national poll;1003 respondents in 30 provinces | 1% | 14% | 3% | |||
| Nationwide; stratified using provincial telephone area codes with random number generation. Around 83% of respondents reported some (21%) or a high level (62%) of confidence in the declared election results, while 13% percent reported little or no confidence in the results. | ''Unknown'' | 14%13% (if new election held) | ''Unknown'' | |||
| Nationwide, error margin +/-3.5%, ( the governments crackdown on post-election protests: 59% was correct, 19% went too far, 10% refused to answer). | 36% |
| Polling organisation | Date | Poll details | Candidate | |||
| !Mahmoud Ahmadinejad | !Mehdi Karroubi | !Mir-Hossein Mousavi | !Mohsen Rezaee | |||
| Nationwide | 7% | 13% | 0% | |||
| Nationwide survey of workers | 36% | 8% | ''Unknown'' | |||
| Nationwide | 8% | 24% | 1% | |||
| ''Unknown'' | ''Unknown'' | 22% (29% in Tehran) | ''Unknown'' | |||
| 62 cities | ''Unknown'' | 22% | ''Unknown'' | |||
| Nationwide | 12% | 32% | 15% | |||
| style="text-align:left" | Nationwide | 2nd | 3rd | 4th | ||
| 10 major cities | 34% | ''Unknown'' | ''Unknown'' | |||
| 1650 people | 35% | ''Unknown'' | ''Unknown'' | |||
| National, 11285 people | 4.7 | 21.3 | 2.6 | |||
| style="text-align:left" | Nationwide; 30,000 people | 2nd | 3rd | 4th | ||
| Nationwide; 77,058 people | 33% | 3% | 27% | |||
| Nationwide; 18,391 people; (Who will you not vote for?) | 28% | 7% | 4% | |||
| Nationwide | 32% | 6% | 27% | |||
| major cities | ''Unknown'' | 36% | ''Unknown'' | |||
| 1743 people | 29.5% | 7.5% | 25.2% | |||
| style="text-align:left" | Nationwide 300,000 people | 24.61% | 10.72% | 10.14% | ||
| nationwide | 6-8 millions | Unknown | Unknown | |||
| more than 16,000 people, 30 major cities in each Province | Unknown | 25.7 | Unknown | |||
| Major cities | Unknown | 28 | Unknown | |||
| style="text-align:left" | Nationwide; 7900 people | 23% | ''Unknown'' | ''Unknown'' | ||
| 1743 people | 25.5% | 6.1% | 30.8% | |||
| National | Unknown | 31 | Unknown |
''The New York Times'' quoted an employee of the Interior Ministry claiming that "the government had been preparing its fraud for weeks, purging anyone of doubtful loyalty and importing pliable staff members from around the country." ''The New Yorker'' stated that "dissident employees of the Interior Ministry... have reportedly issued an open letter" saying that the election was stolen. ''The Guardian'' has also mentioned "reports of a leaked interior ministry figures allegedly suggesting Mousavi had won", although the article questioned the credibility of the report.
''The Guardian'' reported on 17 June 2009 that an Iranian news website identified at least 30 polling sites with turnout over 100% and 200 sites with turnout over 95%. On 21 June 2009, a spokesman from the Guardian Council (an organ of the Iranian government) stated that the number of votes cast exceeded the number of eligible voters in no more than 50 cities, something the Council argued was a normal phenomenon which had taken place in previous elections as people are not obliged to vote where registered (when they have been born).
On 18 June, Iranian film makers Marjane Satrapi and Mohsen Makhmalbaf appeared before Green Party members in the European Parliament to present a document allegedly received from a member of the Iranian electoral commission claiming that that Mir Hossein Mousavi had actually won the election, and that the conservative incumbent Mahmoud Ahmedinejad had received only 12% of the vote.
On the other hand, several supporters of green movement have continued to repeat the evidence supporting the alleged vote rigging. Reza Esfandiari and Yousef Bozorgmehr also maintain that the election data does comport to a natural outcome, allowing for some possible fraud at the local level.
Mohtashami, former interior minister of Iran, who was in the election monitoring committee of Mousavi's campaign claimed that according to official censuses, the number of counted votes in 70 municipalities were more than the number of eligible voters who lived in those regions. In all those cities Ahmadinejad won by 80% to 90% However, "excess votes" have been common in all Iranian elections partly due to the way eligible voters are counted. For example, the Interior Ministry based their calculation of eligible voters on birth certificate registrations. Iranians do not register to vote and hundreds of thousands regularly vote outside their own regions. Shemiran, which had the highest excess voter turnout (13 times the number of eligible voters), overwhelmingly voted for Mousavi.
On 17 June, Tabnak, the news agency close to defeated candidate Mohsen Rezaei who got only 678,240 votes in the election stated that "Mohsen Rezaei, until yesterday afternoon, found evidence that proves at least 900,000 Iranians, who had sent in their national ID card numbers, voted for [him]." However, there is no way of independently verifying whether those who disclosed their ID numbers had actually voted for Rezaei.
BBC Iranian affairs analyst Sadeq Saba found abnormalities in the way results were announced. Instead of results by province, the "results came in blocks of millions of votes," with very little difference between the blocks in the percentages going to each candidate. This suggested that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad did equally well in rural and urban areas, while his three opponents did equally badly in their home regions and provinces as in the rest of the country. This contradicted "all precedent in Iranian politics", where Ahmadinejad had been very popular in rural areas and unpopular in the big cities, where ethnic minorities had favored anti-establishment candidates, and where candidates had tended to carry their home provinces.
Another anomaly, according to British-based researcher Ali Alizadeh, is that a large turnout did not favor the opposition, since in elections, both in Iran and abroad, "those who usually don’t vote, i.e. the silent majority, only come out when they want to change the status quo."
According to modern Middle Eastern and South Asian historian Juan Cole, there were several anomalies in the election results. Official reports gave Ahmadinejad 50% of the vote in the city of Tabriz despite the fact that this was the capital of Mousavi's home province, Eastern Azerbaijan, where Mousavi's rallies were well attended and which has traditionally given good turnouts for even "minor presidential candidates" who came from the province. Ahmadinejad also won Tehran province by over 50%, but crucially lost to Mousavi in the actual city of Tehran and was also soundly beaten in the affluent suburb of Shemiran to the north of the capital.
Clashes broke out between police and groups protesting the election results from early morning on Saturday onward. Initially, the protests were largely peaceful. However, as time passed, they became increasingly violent. Some protesters began to get violent after the results of the election were announced. Angry crowds in Tehran broke into shops, tore down signs, and smashed windows. Civil unrest took place as protesters set fire to tyres outside the Interior Ministry building and others formed a human chain of around 300 people to close off a major Tehran street.
The demonstrations grew bigger and more heated than the 1999 student protests. Al Jazeera English described the 13 June situation as the "biggest unrest since the 1979 revolution." It also reported that protests seemed spontaneous without any formal organization. Two hundred people protested outside Iran's embassy in London on 13 June. Ynet has stated that "tens of thousands" protested on 13 June. Demonstrators are chanting phrases such as "Down with the dictator", "Death to the dictator", and "Give us our votes back". Mousavi has urged for calm and asked that his supporters refrain from acts of violence.
Ynet reported on 14 June that two people had died in the rioting so far. That day, protests had been organized in front of the Iranian embassies in Turkey, Dubai, Paris, Berlin, London, Rome, Sydney, Vienna and The Hague. In response to the reformist protests, tens of thousands of people rallied in Tehran on 14 June to support the victory of Ahmadinejad.
On 15 June, Mousavi rallied, with anywhere from hundreds of thousands to three million, of his supporters in Tehran, despite being warned by state officials that any such rally would be illegal. The demonstration, the largest in the Islamic Republic of Iran's 30-year history, was Mousavi's first public appearance after the election. Protests focused around Azadi Tower, around which lines of people stretched for more than nine kilometers met. Gunshots were reported to have been fired at the rally, where Mousavi had spoken to his supporters saying, "The vote of the people is more important than Mousavi or any other person." All three opposition candidates appeared.
Competing rallies for Mousavi and for Ahmadinejad took place on 16 June. The pro-Ahmadinejad protesters, chanting the phrases "Death to America!" and "Death to Israel!", outnumbered their opponents, but they did not match the numbers of opponents who had protested the day before. Reports from the state media and elsewhere stated on 16 June that seven people have died in all of the protests so far. However, ''The Times'' quoted a Rasoul Akram Hospital nurse that day who asserted that 28 people have suffered from "bullet wounds" and eight have died so far. Over half a million reformist Iranians marched silently from Haft-e-Tir Square to Vali Asr Square on 17 June. The National Iranian American Council stated that day that 32 people had died protesting so far.
Acting Police Chief Ahmad-Reza Radan stated via the state press service on the 14th that “in the interrogation of related rebels, we intend to find the link between the plotters and foreign media". A judiciary spokesman said they had not been arrested but that they were summoned, "warned not to increase tension," and later released. Intelligence minister Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Ejehei linked some arrests to terrorism supported from outside Iran, stating that "more than 20 explosive consignments were discovered". Others, he said, were "counter-revolutionary groups" who had "penetrated election headquarters" of the election candidates.
On 16 June, Reuters reported that former vice-president Mohammad-Ali Abtahi and former presidential advisor Saeed Hajjarian had been arrested. Human rights lawyer Abdolfattah Soltani, who had been demanding a recount of all votes, was also arrested on the Tuesday according to Shirin Ebadi, who said that security officials had posed as clients. Over 100 students were arrested after security forces fired tear gas at protesters at Shiraz university on the same day. Reporters Without Borders reported that 5 of 11 arrested journalists were still detention as of 16 June, and that a further 10 journalists were unaccounted for and may have been arrested.
On 17 June, former foreign minister and secretary-general of the Freedom Movement of Iran, Ebrahim Yazdi, was arrested while undergoing tests at Pars hospital in Tehran. He was held overnight in Evin Prison before being released and returning to hospital, where according to Human Rights Watch he remained under guard. In Tabriz, other Freedom Movement activists and eight members of the IIPF were arrested, with reports of at least 100 civic figures' arrests. The total number of arrests across Iran since the election was reported as 500.
Aaron Rhodes, a spokesman for the international campaign for human rights in Iran, stated that "Iranian intelligence and security forces are using the public protests to engage in what appears to be a major purge of reform-oriented individuals whose situations in detention could be life-threatening". In Isfahan Province, prosecutor-general Mohammadreza Habibi warned that dissidents could face execution under Islamic law.
''Al Jazeera English'' leveled allegations of direct media censorship by the Iranian government, stating that "some of the newspapers have been given notices to change their editorials or their main headlines". ''BBC'' correspondent John Simpson was arrested, his material confiscated, and then released. ''NBC News'' offices in Tehran were raided, with cameras and other equipment confiscated. ''ABC News'' reporter Jim Sciutto also has had material taken. People from the German public broadcasters ''ZDF'' and ''ARD'' have been harassed as well, with men carrying batons and knives reportedly storming the ''ARD''
On 13 June 2009, when thousands of opposition supporters clashed with the police, Facebook was filtered again. Some news websites were also blocked by the Iranian authorities. Mobile phone services including text messaging also stopped or became very difficult to use. Specifically, all websites affiliated with the BBC were shut off, as were ones with ''The Guardian''. Associated Press labeled the actions "ominous measures apparently seeking to undercut liberal voices". The restrictions were likely intended to prevent Mousavi's supporters from organizing large-scale protests. The protesters used phone calls, e-mails and word of mouth to get around the measures.
Ahmadinejad has responded to concerns by saying, "[d]on't worry about freedom in Iran... Newspapers come and go and reappear. Don't worry about it." In response to the crackdown, anti-regime activists have repeatedly taken down Ahmadinejad's and Khamenei's websites. According to CNN, the United States State Department has worked with Twitter to expand the website's access in Iran.
Many western countries expressed doubt about the result and/or reacted in favour of protestors. Other countries, namely Brazil and some other Asian countries, amongst others, welcomed the result.
Official links Coordination site for Ahmadinejad's supporters Mir-Hossein Mousavi campaign site Mehdi Karroubi campaign site Mohsen Rezaee campaign site
Images
Video testimonies Iranian Stories - webdocumentary disseminating and collecting eye witness testimonies of 2009 Iran election
Election aftermath
Category:2009 elections in Iran Presidential election Presidential election, 2009 Category:History of the Islamic Republic of Iran
ar:انتخابات إيران الرئاسية 2009 bg:Ирански президентски избори 2009 cs:Prezidentské volby v Íránu 2009 da:Irans præsidentvalg 2009 de:Iranische Präsidentschaftswahlen 2009 es:Elecciones presidenciales de Irán de 2009 fa:انتخابات ریاست جمهوری ایران (۱۳۸۸) fr:Élection présidentielle iranienne de 2009 ko:2009년 이란 대통령 선거 it:Elezioni presidenziali iraniane del 2009 ms:Pilihan raya Presiden Iran 2009 nl:Iraanse presidentsverkiezingen 2009 ja:イラン大統領選挙 (2009年) no:Presidentvalget i Iran 2009 pl:Wybory prezydenckie w Iranie w 2009 roku pt:Eleições presidenciais no Irã em 2009 ru:Президентские выборы в Иране (2009) sv:Presidentvalet i Iran 2009 tr:2009 İran cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimi vi:Bầu cử tổng thống Iran, 2009 zh:2009年伊朗总统选举This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
| Name | Mahmoud Ahmadinejadمحمود احمدینژاد |
|---|---|
| Office | 6th President of Iran |
| 1blankname | Supreme Leader |
| 1namedata | Ali Khamenei |
| Vicepresident | Parviz DavoodiMohammad-Reza Rahimi |
| Term start | 3 August 2005 |
| Predecessor | Mohammad Khatami |
| Office2 | Mayor of Tehran |
| Term start2 | 20 June 2003 |
| Term end2 | 3 August 2005 |
| Deputy2 | Ali Saeedlou |
| Predecessor2 | Mohammad-Hassan Malekmadani |
| Successor2 | Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf |
| Office3 | Governor of Ardabil |
| Term start3 | 1 May 1993 |
| Term end3 | 28 June 1997 |
| Predecessor3 | Hossein Taheri (East Azerbaijan) |
| Successor3 | Javad Negarandeh |
| Birth date | October 28, 1956 |
| Birth place | Aradan, Iran |
| Party | Alliance of Builders (2003–present) |
| Otherparty | Islamic Society of Engineers (1990–2005) |
| Spouse | Azam Farahi (1981–present) |
| Children | MehdiAlirezaFatemeh |
| Residence | Sa'dabad Palace (Official)Gisha (Private) |
| Alma mater | Iran University of Science and Technology |
| Profession | Civil engineer |
| Religion | Twelver Shia Islam |
| Signature | Mahmoud Ahmadinejad signature.svg |
| Signature alt | Signature of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad |
| Website | Official website }} |
Ahmadinejad is a controversial figure both within Iran and internationally. He has been criticized domestically for his economic lapses and disregard for human rights. He launched a gas rationing plan in 2007 to reduce the country's fuel consumption, and cut the interest rates that private and public banking facilities could charge. He supports Iran's nuclear energy program. His election to a second term in 2009 was widely disputed and caused widespread protests domestically and drew significant international criticism. In 2011 the presence of a so-called "deviant current" among his aides and supporters led to the arrest of several of them.
In 1976, Ahmadinejad took Iran's national university entrance contests. According to his autobiography, he was ranked 132nd out of 400,000 participants that year, and soon enrolled in the Iran University of Science and Technology (IUST) as an undergraduate student of civil engineering. He earned his PhD (1997) in transportation engineering and planning from Iran University of Science and Technology, located at Tehran, when he was the Mayor of Ardabil Province, located at the north-west of the country.
Supporters of Ahmadinejad consider him a "simple man" that leads a "modest" life. As president, he wanted to continue living in the same house in Tehran his family had been living in, until his security advisers insisted that he move. Ahmadinejad had the antique Persian carpets in the Presidential palace sent to a carpet museum, and opted instead to use inexpensive carpets. He is said to have refused the V.I.P. seat on the Presidential plane, and that he eventually replaced it with a cargo plane instead. Also upon gaining Iran's presidency, Ahmadinejad held his first cabinet meeting in the Imam Reza shrine at Mashhad, an act perceived as "pious".
Many reports say that after Saddam Hussein invaded Iran, Ahmadinejad joined the Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution and served in their intelligence and security apparatus, but his advisor Mojtaba Samareh Hashemi says "He has never been a member or an official member of the Revolutionary Guards", having been a Basiji-like volunteer instead.
Ahmadinejad was accepted to a Master of Science program at his alma mater in 1986. He joined the faculty there as a lecturer in 1989, and in 1997 received his doctorate in civil engineering and traffic transportation planning.
He first took political office as unelected governor to both Maku and Khoy in West Azarbaijan Province during the 1980s. He eventually became an advisor to the governor general of Kurdistan Province for two years. During his doctoral studies at Tehran, he was appointed governor general of Ardabil Province from 1993 until Mohammad Khatami removed him in 1997 when he returned to teaching.
As mayor, he reversed changes made by previous moderate and reformist mayors. He put religious emphasis on the activities of cultural centres they had founded, publicised the separation of elevators for men and women in the municipality offices, and suggested that people killed in the Iran–Iraq War be buried in major city squares of Tehran. He also worked to improve the traffic system and put an emphasis on charity, such as distributing free soup to the poor.
After his election to the presidency, Ahmadinejad's resignation as the Mayor of Tehran was accepted on 28 June 2005. After two years as mayor, Ahmadinejad was one of 65 finalists for World Mayor in 2005, selected from 550 nominees, only nine of them from Asia. He was among three strong candidates for the top ten list, but his resignation made him ineligible.
Ahmadinejad generally sent mixed signals about his plans for his presidency, perhaps to attract both religious conservatives and the lower economic classes. His campaign slogan was: "It's possible and we can do it".
In the campaign, he took a populist approach. He emphasized his own modest life, and compared himself with Mohammad Ali Rajai, Iran's second president. Ahmadinejad said he planned to create an "exemplary government for the people of the world" in Iran. He was a "principlist", acting politically based on Islamic and revolutionary principles. One of his goals was "putting the petroleum income on people's tables", meaning Iran's oil profits would be distributed among the poor.
Ahmadinejad was the only presidential candidate who spoke out against future relations with the United States. He told Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting the United Nations was "one-sided, stacked against the world of Islam." He opposed the veto power of the UN Security Council's five permanent members: "It is not just for a few states to sit and veto global approvals. Should such a privilege continue to exist, the Muslim world with a population of nearly 1.5 billion should be extended the same privilege." He defended Iran's nuclear program and accused "a few arrogant powers" of trying to limit Iran's industrial and technological development in this and other fields.
In his second round campaign, he said, "We didn't participate in the revolution for turn-by-turn government....This revolution tries to reach a world-wide government." He spoke of an extended program using trade to improve foreign relations, and called for greater ties with Iran's neighbours and ending visa requirements between states in the region, saying that "people should visit anywhere they wish freely. People should have freedom in their pilgrimages and tours."
Ahmadinejad described Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a senior cleric from Qom as his ideological and spiritual mentor. Mesbah founded the Haghani School of thought in Iran. He and his team strongly supported Ahmadinejad's 2005 presidential campaign.
Iran's President is constitutionally obliged to obtain confirmation from the parliament for his selection of ministers. Ahmadinejad presented a short-list at a private meeting on 5 August, and his final list on 14 August. The Majlis rejected all of his cabinet candidates for the oil portfolio and objected to the appointment of his allies in senior government office. The Majlis approved a cabinet on 24 August. The ministers promised to meet frequently outside Tehran and held their first meeting on 25 August in Mashhad, with four empty seats for the unapproved nominees.
Ahmadinejad’s team lost the 2006 city council elections, and his spiritual mentor, Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, was ranked sixth on the country's Assembly of Experts. In the first nationwide election since Ahmadinejad became President, his allies failed to dominate election returns for the Assembly of Experts and local councils. Results, with a turnout of about 60%, suggested a voter shift toward more moderate policies. According to an editorial in the Kargozaran independent daily newspaper, "The results show that voters have learned from the past and concluded that we need to support.. moderate figures." An Iranian political analyst said that "this is a blow for Ahmadinejad and Mesbah Yazdi's list."
On July 26, 2009, Ahmadinejad's government faced a legal problem after he sacked four ministers. Iran's constitution (Article 136) stipulates that, if more than half of its members are replaced, the cabinet may not meet or act before the Majlis approves the revised membership. The Vice Chairman of the Majlis announced that no cabinet meetings or decisions would be legal, pending such a re-approval.
The main list of 21 cabinet appointments was announced on August 19, 2009. On September 4, Majlis approved 18 of the 21 candidates, and rejected three, including two women. Sousan Keshavarz, Mohammad Aliabadi, and Fatemeh Ajorlou were not approved by Majlis for the Ministries of Education, Energy, and Welfare and Social Security respectively. Marzieh Vahid Dastjerdi is the first woman approved by Majlis as a minister in the Islamic Republic of Iran.
In Ahmadinejad's first four years as president, Iran's real GDP reflected growth of the economy. Inflation and unemployment have also decreased under Ahmadinejad due to better economic management and ending the unsustainable spending and borrowing patterns of previous administrations . Ahmadinejad has increased spending by 25 percent and has supported subsidies for food and petrol. He also initially refused a gradual increase of petrol prices, saying that after making necessary preparations, such as a development of public transportation system, the government will free up petrol prices after five years. Interest rates were cut by presidential decree to below the inflation rate. One unintended effect of this stimulation of the economy has been the bidding up of some urban real estate prices by two or three times their pre-Ahmadinejad value by Iranians seeking to invest surplus cash and finding few other safe opportunities. The resulting increase in the cost of housing has hurt poorer, non-property owning Iranians, the putative beneficiaries of Ahmadinejad's populist policies. The Management and Planning Organisation, a state body charged with mapping out long-term economic and budget strategy, was broken up and its experienced managers were fired.
In June 2006, 50 Iranian economists wrote a letter to Ahmadinejad that criticized his price interventions to stabilize prices of goods, cement, government services, and his decree issued by the High Labor Council and the Ministry of Labor that proposed an increase of workers' salaries by 40 percent. Ahmadinejad publicly responded harshly to the letter and denounced the accusations. Ahmadinejad has called for "middle-of-the-road" compromises with respect to Western-oriented capitalism and socialism. Current political conflicts with the United States have caused the central bank to fear increased capital flight due to global isolation. These factors have prevented an improvement of infrastructure and capital influx, despite high economic potential. Among those that did not vote for him in the first election, only 3.5 percent said they would consider voting for him in the next election. Mohammad Khoshchehreh, a member of Iranian parliament that campaigned for Ahmadinejad, said that his government "has been strong on populist slogans, but weak on achievement." President Ahmadinejad has changed almost all of his economic ministers, including oil, industry and economy, since coming to power in 2005. In an interview with Fars News Agency on April 2008, Davoud Danesh Jaafari who acted as minister of economy in President Ahmadinejad’s cabinet, harshly criticized Ahmadinejad’s economic policy: "During my time, there was no positive attitude towards previous experiences or experienced people and there was no plan for the future. Peripheral issues which were not of dire importance to the nation were given priority. Most of the scientific economic concepts like the effect of liquidity on inflation were put in question." In response to these criticisms, Ahmadinejad accused his minister of not being "a man of justice" and declared that the solution to Iran’s economic problem is "the culture of martyrdom". In May 2008, the Petroleum minister of Iran admitted that the government illegally invested 2 billion dollars to import petrol in 2007. At Iranian parliament, he also mentioned that he simply followed the president's order.
While his government had 275 thousand billion toman oil income, the highest in Iranian history, Ahmadinejad’s government had the highest budget deficit since the Iranian revolution.
During his presidency, Ahmadinejad launched a gasoline rationing plan to reduce the country's fuel consumption. He also instituted cuts in the interest rates that private and public banking facilities could charge. He issued a directive that the Management and Planning Organization be affiliated to the government. In May 2011 Ahmadinejad announced that he would temporarily run the Oil Ministry.
In October 2006, Ahmadinejad began calling for the scrapping of Iran's existing birth control policies, which discouraged Iranian couples from having more than two children. He told MPs that Iran could cope with 50 million more people than the current 70 million. In November 2010 he urged Iranians to marry and reproduce earlier, "We should take the age of marriage for boys to 20 and for girls to about 16 and 17." His remarks have drawn criticism and been called ill-judged at a time when Iran was struggling with surging inflation and rising unemployment, estimated at around 11 percent. Ahmadinejad’s call was reminiscent of a call for Iranians to have more children made by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1979. The policy increased Iran's population by 16 million in seven years but was eventually reversed in response to the resultant economic strain.
In 2008, the government sent the "Family Protection Bill" to the Iranian parliament. Women's rights activists criticized the bill for removing protections from women, such as the requirement that a husband obtain his wife's consent before bringing another wife into the family. Women's rights in Iran are more religiously based than those in secular countries.
Responses to dissent have varied. Human Rights Watch writes that "the Ahmadinejad government, in a pronounced shift from the policy under former president Mohammed Khatami, has shown no tolerance for peaceful protests and gatherings." In December 2006, Ahmadinejad advised officials not to disturb students who engaged in a protest during a speech of his at the Amirkabir University of Technology in Tehran, although speakers at other protests have included among their complaints that there had been a crackdown on dissent at universities since Ahmadinejad was elected.
In April 2007, the Tehran police, which is under Khamenei's supervision, began a crackdown on women with "improper hijab." This led to criticism from associates of Ahmadinejad.
In 2006, Ahmadinejad's government applied a 50 percent quota for male students and 50 percent for female students in the university entrance exam for medicine, dentistry and pharmacy. The plan was supposed to stop the growing presence of female students in the universities. In a response to critics, Iranian minister of health and medical education, Kamran Bagheri Lankarani argued that there are not enough facilities such as dormitories for female students. Masoud Salehi, president of Zahedan University said that presence of women generates some problems with transportation. Also, Ebrahim Mekaniki, president of Babol University of Medical Sciences, stated that an increase in the presence of women will make it difficult to distribute facilities in a suitable manner. Bagher Larijani, the president of Tehran University of Medical Sciences made similar remarks. According to Rooz Online, the quotas lack a legal foundation and are justified as support for "family" and "religion."
In response to the students' slogans, the president said: "We have been standing up to dictatorship so that no one will dare to establish dictatorship in a millennium even in the name of freedom. Given the scars inflicted on the Iranian nation by agents of the US and British dictatorship, no one will ever dare to initiate the rise of a dictator." It was reported that even though the protesters broke the TV cameras and threw hand-made bombs at Ahmadinejad, the president asked the officials not to question or disturb the protesters. In his blog, Ahmadinejad described his reaction to the incident as "a feeling of joy" because of the freedom that people enjoyed after the revolution.
One thousand students also protested the day before to denounce the increased pressure on the reformist groups at the university. One week prior, more than two thousand students protested at Tehran University on the country's annual student day, with speakers saying that there had been a crackdown on dissent at universities since Ahmadinejad was elected.
In April 2006, Ahmadinejad announced that Iran had successfully refined uranium to a stage suitable for the nuclear fuel cycle. In a speech to students and academics in Mashhad, he was quoted as saying that Iran's conditions had changed completely as it had become a nuclear state and could talk to other states from that stand. On 13 April 2006, Iranian news agency, IRNA, quoted Ahmadinejad as saying that the peaceful Iranian nuclear technology would not pose a threat to any party because "we want peace and stability and we will not cause injustice to anyone and at the same time we will not submit to injustice." Nevertheless, Iran's nuclear policy under Ahmadinejad's administration has received much criticism, spearheaded by the United States and Israel. The accusations include that Iran is striving to obtain nuclear arms and developing long-range firing capabilities—and that Ahmadinejad issued an order to keep UN inspectors from freely visiting the nation's nuclear facilities and viewing their designs, in defiance of an IAEA resolution. Following a May 2009 test launch of a long-range missile, Ahmadinejad was quoted as telling the crowd that with its nuclear program, Iran was sending the West a message that "the Islamic Republic of Iran is running the show."
Despite Ahmadinejad's vocal support for the program, the office of the Iranian president is not directly responsible for nuclear policy. It is instead set by the Supreme National Security Council. The council includes two representatives appointed by the Supreme Leader, military officials, and members of the executive, judicial, and legislative branches of government, and reports directly to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who issued a fatwa against nuclear weapons in 2005. Khamenei has criticized Ahmadinejad's "personalization" of the nuclear issue.
Ahmadinejad vowed on February 2008, that Iran will not be held back from developing its peaceful nuclear program and has stated that at least 16 different peaceful uses for nuclear technology have so far been identified. Ahmadinejad has stressed the importance of the right to peaceful nuclear development. Iranian opposition leader, Mousavi, has even stated that giving up the country's nuclear program would be "irreparable" and that the Iranian people support the nuclear program. "No one in Iran will accept suspension," Mousavi has said, adding that if elected, his policy would be to work to provide "guarantees" that Tehran's nuclear activities would never divert to non-peaceful aims.
In October 2009 the United States, France and Russia proposed a U.N.-drafted deal with Iran regarding its nuclear program, in an effort to find a compromise between Iran's stated need for a nuclear reactor and the concerns of those who are worried that Iran harbors a secret intent on developing a nuclear weapon. After some delay in responding, on October 29, Ahmadinejad seemed to change his tone towards the deal. "We welcome fuel exchange, nuclear co-operation, building of power plants and reactors and we are ready to co-operate," he said in a live broadcast on state television. However, he added that Iran would not retreat "one iota" on its right to a sovereign nuclear program.
Conservative MP Rafat Bayat has accused Ahmadinejad for a decline in observance of the required hijab for women, calling him "not that strict on this issue". Ahmadinejad has been also accused of indecency by people close to Rafsanjani, after he publicly kissed the hand of a woman who used to be his school teacher.
In another statement the next year, Ahmadinejad proclaimed (without consulting the clerics beforehand), that women be allowed into football stadiums to watch male football clubs compete. This proclamation "was quickly overruled" by clerical authorities, one of whom, Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Fazel Lankarani "refused for weeks to meet with President Ahmadinejad" in early 2007.
In November 2008, President Ahmadinejad announced that he was against impeachment of Ali Kordan by Iranian parliament. He refused to attend the parliament on the impeachment day. Ali Kordan was expelled from Iranian interior ministry by Iranian parliament on 4 November 2008. 188 MPs voted against Ali Kordan. An impeachment of Kordan would push Ahmadinejad close to having to submit his entire cabinet for review by parliament, which is led by one of his chief political opponents. Iran's constitution requires that step if more than half the cabinet ministers are replaced, and Ahmadinejad has replaced nine of 21.
In May 2011 several members of parliament threatened to initiate impeachment proceedings against Ahmadinejad after his merger of eight government ministries and the firing of three ministers without parliament’s consent. According to the Majles News Web site, MP Mohammad Reza Bahonar stated, "legal purging starts with questions, which lead to warnings and end with impeachment." On May 25 parliament voted to investigate another allegation, that Ahmadinejad had committed election irregularities by giving cash to up to nine million Iranians before the 2009 presidential elections. The vote came within hours after the allegations appeared in several popular conservative news sites associated with supreme leader Ali Khamenei, suggesting the supreme leader supported the investigation. The disputes were seen as part of the clash between Ahmadinejad and other conservatives and former supporters, including supreme leader Khamenei, over what the conservatives see as Ahmadinejad's confrontational policies and abuse of power.
During Ahmadinejad's tenure as President of Iran the foreign policy of the country took a different approach from the previous administration. Relations with the West generally soured while relations with other parts of the world, including Africa and Latin America, were on the ascendance. In light of the calls for sanctions on Iran for its nuclear weapons programme, Ahmadinejad and his foreign minister, Manouchehr Mottaki, traveled extensively throughout the two regions, as well as hosted other leaders. Relations with the ALBA states, and Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador, in particular, were most strengthened. Relations with America during the Bush administration and Israel were weakened.
Ahmadinejad is an outspoken critic of the United States, Israel, and the United Kingdom.
He was embroiled in controversy in regards to statements he made about the Holocaust and for commenting that "the occupying regime" would, according to various translations, be eliminated, or "vanish from the pages of time." The ''New York Times'' reported this as a call for the destruction of the State of Israel when the phrase was translated as "wiped off the map". American scholar, public intellectual, and historian of the modern Middle East and South Asia, Juan Cole says the word "map" doesn't even appear in the quote. It has also been claimed that he said that "Israel's regime will be wiped off the map", not the actual state.
He advocates "free elections" for the region, and believes Palestinians need a stronger voice in the region's future. Criticism of him in the West has been coupled with accusations of describing the Holocaust as a myth and of statements influenced by "classic anti-Semitic ideas," which has led to accusations of anti-Semitism, though he has denied these accusations, saying that he "respects Jews very much" and that he was not "passing judgment" on the Holocaust.
On al-Quds Day in September 2010 criticized the Palestinian Authority over its president's decision to renew direct peace talks with Israel saying the talks are "stillborn" and "doomed to fail", urging the Palestinians to continue armed resistance to Israel. He said that Mahmoud Abbas had no authority to negotiate on behalf of the Palestinians. Nabil Abu Rudeineh, a spokesman for the Palestinian Authority, fired back, saying, Ahmadinejad "does not represent the Iranian people,..., is not entitled to talk about Palestine, or the President of Palestine"
"Establishing an independent and impartial committee of investigation, which would determine the roots and causes of the regrettable event of 9/11, is the demand of all the peoples of the region and the world. [...] Any opposition to this legal and human demand means that 9/11 was premeditated in order to achieve the goals of occupation and of confrontation with the nations.He made similar comments in 2011.
Ahmadinejad was criticized for his claims in an article appearing in Al-Qaeda's magazine. The article claimed Ahmadinejad was jealous of Al-Qaeda.
Category:1956 births Category:9/11 conspiracy theorists Category:Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran politicians Category:Current national leaders Category:Holocaust deniers Category:Holocaust denial in Iran Category:Iranian anti-communists Category:Iranian civil engineers Category:Iranian governors Category:Islamic Society of Engineers politicians Category:Living people Mahmoud Ahmadinejad Category:Mayors of Tehran Category:People from Semnan Province Category:Presidents of Iran Category:Shi'a politicians Category:Iran University of Science and Technology alumni Category:Iran University of Science and Technology faculty
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